(Swarajyam emerges as a response to the limitations and failures of existing political‑economic systems—capitalism, socialism, and communism. Although these traditional ideologies have shaped modern history, each has demonstrated significant shortcomings in addressing contemporary challenges. They correctly identify issues such as inequality, economic crises, and wealth concentration under capitalism, and suppression of freedoms and political instability under communism. Yet both fall short, suggesting the need for a balanced alternative.)
For a nation to progress, unity and justice are paramount. But uniting a country of continental size—with myriad languages and diverse cultures—is a formidable task. Here, civilizational ethos and Indic ideals must play their role. Before exploring Swarajyam’s significance, let us revisit history. Colonial forces, under the guise of justice, propagated “break‑Bharat” theories—like the Aryan‑Dravidian divide—which stalwarts such as B.R. Ambedkar, the Father of the Bharatiya Constitution, decisively rejected. Tragically, during the darkest hours of the Emergency, his Constitution was altered undemocratically by the Congress Party.
The 42nd Amendment of 1976, enacted under Indira Gandhi, added “Secular” and “Socialist” to the Preamble. Though intended to reflect Bharat’s inclusive and egalitarian principles, their imposition amid curtailed civil liberties raised serious concerns about democratic legitimacy. After the Emergency, the Janata Party—under Prime Minister Morarji Desai—sought to restore democracy via the 43rd and 44th Amendments in 1977 and 1978. The 43rd Amendment repealed many provisions that had expanded central power; the 44th Amendment restored protections for civil liberties, reversing the ease with which Fundamental Rights could be suspended.
Yet “Secular” and “Socialist” remained untouched—a tacit acknowledgment that, despite their controversial origins, these values had become intrinsic to post‑Emergency Bharat’s vision. Thus, even as most Emergency‑era changes were repealed, the retention of these terms reflects a permanent ideological shift. Ironically, a Constitution framed to guarantee equality now paradoxically supports elements—like the halal economy—under the banner of secularism.
Why have those demanding justice not revolted against policies that fuel communal tension and benefit only certain sections? The answer lies in blissful ignorance: in 1947, power merely shifted to the “brown sahibs,” who appeased specific communities to create vote‑banks while undermining real justice. In fact, it was only due to Gandhian appeasement that Pakistan was created. They exploited the colonial Macaulay educational system to foster an inferiority complex among Bharatiyas and kept every institution—from the judiciary to academia—under control. By placing temple funds under government authority, they ensured no parallel Indic ecosystem could thrive.
These “brown sahibs” spared no effort to vilify Dharma—the philosophy that, for centuries, championed universal brotherhood and individual freedom. Simultaneously, they sponsored foreign faiths that Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore and Swami Vivekananda criticized as exclusivist and destructive. They have allowed corruption and scams to degrade state‑run hospitals and schools, turning impoverished indigenous communities into soft targets for Islamofascists and evangelists, and enriching corporates at citizens’ expense.
Moreover, they promote superficial individualism by popularizing movements such as LGBTQ rights and gender‑change surgeries. These expensive, complex procedures can have long‑term impacts on individuals, and the Pharma lobby profits by compelling the “brainwashed” to undergo them. By undermining joint family structures and promoting “wokeism,” they favor lone individuals—easier to influence—while therapists, advocates, and corrupt corporates reap the rewards. As indigenous populations decline, the vacuum is filled by settling illegal immigrants.
This problem extends beyond Bharat —Western nations face demands for Sharia zones—yet the primary focus of these lobbies remains Bharat, whose survival threatens their hegemony. They use “brown sahibs” as puppets. People expect communists—who claim to be anti‑colonialist—to fight against this hegemony. Yet these same communists’ ideological forebearers betrayed Swadeshi movements to side with the British, and many backed Fascist China during the 1962 Sino‑Bharat War.
Today’s communists, aligned with fascist powers, remain silent when the second largest national majority tramples minority rights. They whitewash genocides of indigenous communities to serve globalist powers that fear a thriving Bharat. In the guise of feminism, they attack the joint family system—the backbone of our civilization—seeking to reduce women from “Lakshmi of the home” to mere marketing tools. They ignore our past: female Vedic scholars like Maîtreyi and Gārgī, and the women’s regiment raised by Subhas Chandra Bose. They stay mute on the Waqf Board’s massive illegal landholdings (ranks third only to the government and railways)—while farmers remain landless. They defend illegal immigrants who steal Bharatiyas’ jobs and support separatist movements that strengthen colonial divides.
These communists, claiming to aid the poor, have instead killed thousands and deprived lakhs of a prosperous life. They thrive when corrupt corporates destroy nature for profit, or when politicians fill their coffers—fertile ground for communist ideology. Knowing Bharat suffers unemployment and poverty, they oppose development in the name of environmentalism, fearing that a prosperous Bharat would eliminate their influence.
When predatory Americanization, evangelism, and Islamofascism threaten Bharat, self-centred politicians pursue divisive strategies. Reservation, intended to uplift the marginalized Dalits and tribals, now benefits only the “creamy layer,” breeding brain drain. Meanwhile, market monopolies hurt consumers and small businesses. Pro‑Indic politics is monopolized by a few, whose successive failures tarnish “Hindutva” itself—leaving citizens only two choices: vote for these opportunists or anti‑Dharmic adversaries, or abstain entirely. Hyper‑centralized policies exploit resources for personal gain, strengthening separatists and suppressing genuine regional aspirations—feeding “break‑Bharat” forces.
The solution lies in Swarajyam meaning self‑rule. It is a political‑economic framework prioritizing balanced progress, adaptive governance, and sustainable development, ensuring human dignity and freedom. Swarajyam transcends capitalist and communist hybrids, offering a new paradigm anchored in Dharma: societal stability through balanced, responsive systems that adapt to changing conditions while honouring civilizational values.
But revolutionary changes requires more than a broken society—it demands a vanguard of uncompromising Indic intellectuals to lead. To ensure lasting change, the entire dispensation must be replaced by an alternative Indic ecosystem. Chanakya warned, “If conquerors wish to spread roots here, they will first attack the culture that binds us.” Where Dharma’s light has dimmed, anti‑Bharat sentiments flourish. Hence, decolonization and society‑building must go hand in hand.
Road To Revolution
Phase 1: Dharmic Ascendancy
Objective: Ignite a bold, nationwide movement to establish Dharmic values as the core ideology, challenging outdated systems through intellectual leadership and public engagement.
Strategies:
i) Indic Intellectual Vanguard: Assemble a dynamic cadre of scholars, activists, and community leaders to champion Swarajyam’s vision of self-reliance and cultural pride. This vanguard will lead public discourse through seminars, digital campaigns, and grassroots forums, emphasizing Bharat’s civilizational ethos.
ii) Radical Educational Reform: Advocate for curricula that boldly integrate indigenous knowledge (e.g., contributions of Vedic scholars like Maîtreyi and Gārgī) with modern science, fostering national pride and scientific temper as per Article 51A. Engage educational institutions through policy proposals and public campaigns to dismantle colonial frameworks, framed as a unifying call for Indic empowerment.
iii) Community-Led Cultural Revival: Mobilize communities to reclaim cultural institutions (e.g., temples) as hubs for education and welfare, using transparent processes.
iii) High-Energy Public Campaigns: Launch vibrant campaigns across media, social platforms, and public spaces highlighting systemic inefficiencies (e.g., resource inequities, institutional opacity).
Goal: Create a powerful cultural wave that positions Dharmic values as Bharat’s ideological core, rallying diverse groups for the systemic change.
Phase 2: Dharmic Mobilization
Objective: Channelize people’s energy into mass movements, leveraging elections and public advocacy to demand bold policy changes.
Strategies:
i) Mass Democratic Surge: Mobilize citizens through high-energy voter drives, public rallies, and town halls to advocate Swarajyam’s policies (e.g., decentralized governance, equitable resource allocation).
ii) Electoral Revolution: Field candidates who embody Swarajyam’s bold vision, campaigning on transformative issues like transparency, sustainability, and cultural empowerment.
iii) Policy Advocacy with Zeal: Push for radical yet constitutional reforms—transparent management of cultural institutions, land-value taxes, and anti-monopoly measures—through petitions, public interest litigations, and legislative proposals.
iv) Inclusive Coalitions: Build broad-based alliances with farmers, workers, youth, and regional organizations, uniting them under Swarajyam’s transformative agenda.
Goal: Seize power through elections and advocacy, creating a mandate for Swarajyam’s transformative policies.
Post‑Revolution Vision
i) Healthy societies are ecosystems: Balance individual autonomy with collective responsibility. Harmonize productivity with sustainability, pursue technology for human well‑being, and meet immediate needs without forsaking generational justice.
ii) Graduated Ownership: Essential resources—water, air, housing, healthcare—are common heritage. Strategic industries under democratic stewardship; non‑essentials allowed markets but with ownership caps to prevent monopolies.
iii) Participatory Multi‑Layered Governance: Direct democracy for local issues via digital platforms; representative democracy for regions; technocratic advisory bodies for complex policies; constitutional rights and independent judiciaries guarantee accountability and efficiency. Robust ethics and anti‑corruption measures—asset disclosures, cooling‑off periods, strict penalties—enforced by independent watchdogs.
iv) Value‑Based Market Framework: Prices internalize social and environmental costs by design; algorithmic oversight; anti‑monopoly triggers; dual‑layer currency—one for transactions, one for public goods.
v) Progressive Resource Allocation: Universal Basic Outcomes—food, education, housing, health. Tiered taxation based on resource use. Public investment banks alongside private, with mandates for long‑term societal good. Land‑value tax recaptures community wealth for local reinvestment.
vi) Aligned Incentives: Businesses judged by long‑term metrics—well‑being and public benefit—not quarterly profits. Pay structures limit inequality; innovation rewarded proportionally to societal impact.
vii) Development‑Focused Education & Healthcare: lifelong learning with technical, critical, and ethical curricula; apprenticeships for real‑world skills; preventative, universal healthcare directed by public‑health needs.
viii) Cultural Dynamism: Protect independent media; design public spaces for cultural exchange; guarantee technology access with privacy safeguards.
ix) Regenerative Sustainability: Circular economies in high‑impact industries; ecosystem restoration; biomimetic urban and industrial design; climate stabilization via global cooperation; constitutional ecological protections and youth representation.
x) Directed Innovation: Public research addressing collective challenges; open‑source essential technologies; ethical reviews; inclusive tech‑assessment boards; algorithmic governance with human‑judgment safeguards.
xi) Educational Reforms & Regional Autonomy: Integrate indigenous knowledge with modern science; promote regional languages; empower states to tailor policies; upskill the workforce for the knowledge economy.
By overcoming capitalism’s volatility and communism’s rigidity—and leaving rigid socialism behind—Swarajyam forges a transformative, Dharmic alternative for post‑revolutionary Bharat.
To secure national interests, institutions like the Waqf Board and anti‑Indic trade unions must be addressed firmly. Workers’ interests protected by establishing Indic trade unions in every industry. Public institutions must embrace transparent governance—publish decisions, budgets, contracts, and procurements online in accessible formats. National and local transparency commissions—comprising citizens, civil‑society representatives, and judicially vetted experts—will conduct regular audits. A robust Right to Information law ensures prompt access to information.
Rebuilding Bharat on Dharmic ideals is urgent. Yet social harmony cannot be imposed by trampling equality. Change must begin by freeing temples from government control, restoring them to original custodians as community hubs. Temple wealth should fund community development—reducing dependence on government for basic amenities like education and healthcare.
Bharat has long embodied world peace. As Islamofascism and Chinese Fascism threaten the world, Bharat cannot remain a mere spectator. Pakistan’s creation by Britain planted a Frankenstein, which now threatens Europe and beyond. US‑backed Taliban fighters birthed new 9/11‑style crises. The Arab Spring, Iranian Revolution, and Chinese fascism underscore global instability.
Under Swarajyam’s Multilevel Diplomacy, Bharat will forge bioregional alliances—cultural and political—between cities and nations to promote peace. By strengthening ties with allies like Russia and Israel, Bharat can counter the unholy Sino‑Pak nexus. Global resource alliances, fair technology transfers, climate finance, and enforceable ecological and social trade standards will follow. Bharat will champion environmental sustainability by merging indigenous knowledge with modern science, advocating balanced development agreements, and exporting green innovations.
Bharat should seek a permanent UN Security Council seat—or create alternatives—and promote a new economic paradigm to counter China’s BRI with ethical, sustainable Dharmic development. Partnerships with Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America will provide alternatives to exploitative models, fostering inclusive trade, technology transfer, and capacity‑building that position Bharat as a beacon of Dharmic globalism.
Nelson Mandela said, “To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.” Guided by “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam,” Bharat must champion persecuted Dharmic communities, granting asylum and citizenship when needed. Under Bharat’s leadership, the Global Dharmic Congress will unite Dharmic countries—Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka—and organizations to safeguard rights, promote prosperity, and build resilience.
In response to Islamofascism, Europe sees a rise in Christian right‑wing groups—yet historically this ideology colonized and exploited indigenous civilizations. Meanwhile, growing atheism espouses hyper‑individualism, shunning communal responsibility. Atheism often becomes a cloak for draconian powers—communism being the prime example—eroding accountability and social cohesion. Only a pluralistic, multipolar world rooted in Dharma can counter these forces.
Rishi Aurobindo wrote, “Salvation of humanity was cherished in the seclusion of this peninsula… She does not rise as other countries do, … to trample on the weak. She is rising to shed the eternal light entrusted to her over the world.” As a global power, Bharat must promote dialogue‑based conflict resolution and cultural diplomacy to resolve international issues. Dharmic values of mutual respect and cooperation will foster alliances to combat poverty and racism. Dharma teaches detachment from materialism and contentment within oneself—undermining war economies—and thus a global Dharmic revolution promises better human‑rights protections and ethical governance.
But before saving the world, Bharat must save itself. As the cradle of civilization, it has enlightened humanity in darkness. Yet greed and materialism erode Dharma here. Until Bharatiyas shed this greed and restore Dharma, changing the world remains a dream.
